The Role of Cognates in Word Acquisition
PhD Defence / Departament de Medicina i Ciències de la Vida
2024-11-03
Average 20-year-old knows ~42,000 lemmas: mental lexicon
First lexical representations at 6-9 months
Vocabulary size norms for 51,800 monolingual children learning 35 distinct languages (Frank et al. 2017)
Increased complexity in linguistic context
Reduced linguistic input in each language
Increased referential ambiguity
Two overlapping codes
Split into two languages
> 2 labels per referent
Hoff et al. (2012): bilinguals acquire words at similar rates as monolinguals
Floccia et al. (2018): CDI responses of 372 bilinguals learning English + additional language
Lexical similarity: Average phonological similarity (Levenshtein) between pairs of translations
Higher lexical similarity, larger vocabulary size
Stronger effect in the additional language (e.g., Dutch, Mandarin)
Cognates: Phonologically-similar translation equivalents
Cognate | Non-cognate |
---|---|
[cat] /ˈgat-ˈga.to/ | [dog] /ˈgos-ˈpe.ro/ |
Some evidence that cognates acquired earlier than non-cognates (Mitchell, Tsui, and Byers-Heinlein 2023; Bosch and Ramon-Casas 2014; Tan, Marchman, and Frank 2024; Siow et al. 2022)
What mechanisms support a cognate facilitation during word acquisition?
Study 1
Under review in Child Development (R2),
Study 2
In preparation
Cognate beginnings to lexical acquisition: The AMBLA model
Learning instances: Exposure to a word-form that results in the accumulation of information about its meaning
\[ \begin{aligned} \definecolor{myred}{RGB}{ 168, 0, 53 } \definecolor{myblue}{RGB}{ 0, 64, 168 } \definecolor{mygreen}{RGB}{0, 168, 87} \definecolor{grey}{RGB}{128, 128, 128} \textbf{For participant } &i \textbf{ and word-form } j \text{ (translation of } j'): \\ {\color{mygreen}\text{Age of Acquisition}_{ij}} &= \{\text{Age}_i \mid {\color{myred}\text{Learning instances}_{ij}} = {\color{myblue}\text{Threshold}} \}\\ {\color{myred}\text{Learning instances}_{ij}} &= \text{Age}_i \cdot \text{Freq}_j \\ \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \end{aligned} \]
Exposure: Proportion of time exposed to the language of \(j\) word
Accumulation of learning instances, a function of Exposure and Frequency.
\[ \begin{aligned} \textbf{For participant } &i \textbf{ and word-form } j \text{ (translation of } j'): \\ \text{Age of Acquisition}_{ij} &= \{\text{Age}_i \mid \text{Learning instances}_{ij} = \text{Threshold} \}\\ \text{Learning instances}_{ij} &= \text{Age}_i \cdot \text{Freq}_j \cdot {\color{myred}\text{Exposure}_{ij}}\\ \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child
Catalan/Spanish bilingual child
/’gos/ (Catalan), 60%
/’pe.ro/ (Spanish), 40%
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child
Catalan/Spanish bilingual child
/’gos/ (Catalan), 60%
/’pe.ro/ (Spanish), 40%
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \end{aligned} \]
Degree proportional to their phonological similarity (Cognateness)
\[ \begin{aligned} \textbf{For participant } &i \textbf{ and word-form } j \text{ (translation of } j'): \\ \text{Age of Acquisition}_{ij} &= \{\text{Age}_i \mid \text{Learning instances}_{ij} = \text{Threshold} \}\\ \text{Learning instances}_{ij} &= \text{Age}_i \cdot \text{Freq}_j \cdot \text{Exposure}_{ij} + \\ &({\color{myred}\text{Learning instances}_{ij'} \cdot {\text{Cognateness}}_{j}})\\ \textbf{where:} \\ {\color{myred}\text{Cognateness}_{j,j'}}&{\color{myred} = \text{Levenshtein}(j, j')} \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child
Catalan/Spanish bilingual child
/’gat/ (Catalan), 60%
/’ga.to/ (Spanish), 40%
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \\ \text{Cognateness}_{j,j'} = 0.75 \end{aligned} \]
Catalan monolingual child:
Catalan/Spanish bilingual child:
/’gat/ (Catalan), 60%
/’ga.to/ (Spanish), 40%
Parameters:
\[ \begin{aligned} \text{Threshold} = 300 \\ \text{Freq}_j \sim \text{Poisson}(\lambda = 50) \\ \text{Cognateness}_{j,j'} = 0.75 \end{aligned} \]
366 participants (12-32 mo), 436 administrations \(\times\) 604 noun words
Ordinal, multilevel (Bayesian) regression model
\(p(\text{Comprehension}, \text{Production}) \sim \text{Exposure}_{ij} \cdot \text{Cognateness}_j\)
366 participants (12-32 mo), 436 administrations \(\times\) 604 noun words
Ordinal, multilevel (Bayesian) regression model
\(p(\text{Comprehension}, \text{Production}) \sim \text{Exposure}_{ij} \cdot \text{Cognateness}_j\)
Earlier acquisition for cognates vs. non-cognates
Cognate facilitation moderated by exposure
Only words from the lower exposure benefit from cognateness
Cognateness as a candidate mechanism underlying Floccia et al.’s results
Cross-language facilitation via co-activation of phonologically similar translation equivalents
Is language-non selectivity already present in the initial lexicon?
Developmental trajectories of bilingual spoken word recognition
Some evidence in infants and children (e.g., Von Holzen and Mani 2012; Singh 2014)
Methodological pitfalls: “Bilingual” task
One language is task relevant, the other is covertly activated
Mani and Plunkett (2010, 2011)
Mani and Plunkett (2010, 2011)
Cross-language priming effects are short-lived
Change in design:
Auditory label before target-distractor images
Increased temporal proximity of prime and target
Exp. 1: Monolinguals
Replicate within-language phonological interference from Mani and Plunkett (proof of concept)
Exp. 2: Monolinguals and bilinguals
If language non-selectivity, stronger interference in cognate vs. non-cognate trials
English monolinguals
79 participants, 89 sessions
No evidence of phonological priming
Related trials \(\approx\) Unrelated trials
Catalan/Spanish monolinguals
77 participants, 107 sessions
No evidence of phonological priming
Related trials \(\approx\) Unrelated trials Cognate trials \(\approx\) Non-cognate trials
Catalan/Spanish bilinguals
78 participants, 133 sessions
No evidence of phonological priming
Related trials \(\approx\) Unrelated trials Cognate trials \(\approx\) Non-cognate trials
Successful spoken word recognition across ages and language profiles
No evidence of priming effects, within or across languages
Unsuccessful retrieval of prime phonological forms?
Inconclusive results, revise design
Cognateness facilitates word acquisition in the lower-exposure language
Candidate mechanism behind bilingual vocabulary growth
AMBLA: Cross-language accumulation of learning instances
Language non-selectivity in the initial lexicon: Pending testing
Discussion
Future steps
Backward Semantic Inhibition
The emergence of inhibitory links in the initial lexicon
Vocabulary growth through the lens of bilingualism
Data collection ongoing